Why Trump is sending Elise Stefanik to the United Nations could be terrible — for her

President-elect Donald Trump announced Monday morning that he plans to nominate Rep. Elise Stefanik, R-N.Y., as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. It’s a big step for the 40-year-old rising star, who joined the House just a decade ago and now holds a top job.

For people with a diplomatic background, USUN (as the State Department job is called) would be a crown jewel in their career. For Stefanik, the appointment brings him closer to Trump’s environment – at least on paper. In practice, however, accepting the job at Turtle Bay could result in her rise through the MAGA ranks ending back on Earth.

If Stefanik succeeds current Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield, expanding a roster of women representing the U.S. on the U.N. Security Council and other forums, she would be at the forefront of some of the most complex challenges facing the international community from war in Ukraine to curbing climate change to setting global rules for artificial intelligence. Stefanik is also expected to serve as chief translator for the Trump administration’s actions in day-to-day dealings with other ambassadors.

Stefanik’s only contribution to foreign policy lately has been her extremely vocal defense of Israel as it continues its assault on Gaza. Furthermore, their diplomatic skills may have atrophied somewhat. While Trump’s first U.N. ambassador, Nikki Haley, was governor of South Carolina and her successor, Kelly Craft, had at least a business background to draw on, Stefanik has had little more than Trump’s approval on his mind in recent years. These capabilities were designed for the halls (and green rooms) of the Capitol, not the UN headquarters.

We can also look at Haley’s tenure to get an idea of ​​what Stefanik’s run might look like. For better or worse, Haley was relatively isolated from the rest of the chaos of the early Trump years. On the positive side, she didn’t have to deal with the daily power struggles. And although she reportedly worked for Secretaries of State Rex Tillerson and Mike Pompeo, she formed her own power center in New York. Before her departure in 2018, she even managed to build good relationships with UN Secretary-General António Guterres and many of her fellow ambassadors.

The downside for Haley was that her removal from Washington also meant she had less influence over the course of the administration as a whole. She also could never fully say that she spoke directly for the US, not when Trump could contradict her at any time via tweet. Haley’s experience does not bode well for Stefanik, who will be overwhelmed with questions about Trump’s intentions, and her power base among the Washington elite and MAGA faithful will not be particularly helpful in negotiations with China and Russia.

The potential turning point in Stefanik’s apparent career trajectory would be the single reason most likely to make her hesitate about Trump’s offer. After arriving in Washington as a moderate Republican, she recast herself in the MAGA image and impressed Trump with her aggressive, fact-free defense of himself during his first impeachment trial. Since his first presidency, she has sought to ingratiate herself at every turn, attacking the judge in his New York trial, refusing to guarantee that she would certify Trump’s defeat in this year’s election, and attempting to undermine his To remove impeachment proceedings from the congressional record. It was pleading enough to include her among those Trump considered as his running mate this summer.

Stefanik’s rise to power in the House GOP made the reasons for her transition fairly transparent. She quickly pounced when Republicans demoted Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyo., from her role as chair of the House Republican Conference because she dared to say Trump incited the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol . While Stefanik struggled to find a new speaker last year, he considered seeking a promotion and possibly becoming House majority leader. Other Republicans are already vying on the Hill to replace Stefanik in House leadership if the Senate confirms her next year. Her vacant seat could also make it harder for what could be a slim Republican majority to pass anything while her district holds a special election.

But the fact that the domestic political aspects of her appointment are likely to overshadow any discussion of the policy implications speaks volumes about what her nomination would mean for the UN itself. Beyond efforts to ensure peace and security, the humanitarian work carried out by the broader UN system is vital to millions of people worldwide. Stefanik’s appointment suggests a lack of willingness to support these missions, particularly given her desire to cut funding for UN aid work in Gaza and the West Bank. Stefanik as UN ambassador would signal a further retreat from a position of authority and leadership as she carries out her boss’s desire to put America first.

The ambition that Stefanik has shown so far makes it likely that she will continue to work her way to the center of power in Trump’s world. The post of UN ambassador is a difficult promotion because his publicity belies his distance from decision-making in Washington. It seems equally unlikely that she will throw herself into the role in the same way as Haley and risk skewing Trump’s opinion of her. And there are few things Trump hates more than a loser in his midst, which means she has to at least try to show competence in diplomatic disputes. It’s a balancing act that Stefanik, publicly one of MAGA’s most ardent supporters, may privately resent.